On 22 August 2025, the people of South Sudan, who have long endured tyranny and extreme poverty under the Salva Kiir regime, received the news of the appointment of Salva Kiir’s daughter, Adut Salva Kiir, as Senior Presidential Envoy on Special Programmes with considerable skepticism. Many questioned the president’s intentions behind what they viewed as an unconstitutional appointment that effectively granted his daughter broad constitutional authority.
Those suspicions were well founded. Nearly a year after her appointment, its objectives have become much clearer. Gen. Salva Kiir continues attempting to justify the move through a flood of presidential decrees, to the extent that the number issued over the past year has reportedly exceeded the number of days in the year.
We have repeatedly argued that dictator Salva Kiir Mayardit is waging a political war against the remaining historical leaders of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the very individuals who entrusted him with power following the death of the movement’s founder, Dr. John Garang. His apparent objective is to ensure that such a transfer of power can never happen again.
Viewed in this context, the position of Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes represents a soft family coup against both the historical leadership of the SPLM and the tribal power structures deeply embedded within the movement and state institutions. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit appears to have lost confidence in these structures, particularly as the question of who will eventually succeed him grows, given the health concerns that increasingly cast uncertainty over his political future.
To better understand this argument, it is necessary to examine the nature of the position of Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes. Only then can one appreciate the ambiguity surrounding President Salva Kiir’s decision to appoint his daughter, particularly at a time when coordinated media campaigns by opinion writers in English- and Arabic-language publications are attempting to portray Mrs. Adut Salva Kiir as a capable leader worthy of inheriting power outside established constitutional channels.
This has reinforced my belief that Gen. Salva Kiir is carefully orchestrating a soft family coup. Constitutionally, the contours of this project become clearer when examined within South Sudan’s presidential system of governance, which is founded on administrative decentralization. Under this system, ministers discharge their constitutional responsibilities under the supervision of the president. Yet President Kiir has instead elevated his daughter to the position of Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes, effectively granting her the powers of an undeclared prime minister, a reality that is becoming increasingly apparent.
Many will naturally disagree with this assessment, and that is healthy in any political debate. Nevertheless, the coming months are likely to reveal the extent of the political maneuvering taking place behind the scenes as part of efforts to impose Adut Salva Kiir upon the people of South Sudan.
Against this backdrop, the regime’s determination to hold elections later this year appears to be a significant step towards preserving Gen. Salva Kiir’s political legacy through his daughter. Since assuming office as Senior Presidential Envoy for Special Programmes, Adut Salva Kiir has concentrated on expanding her influence through Crawford Capital, a company that has itself been the subject of corruption allegations.
The growing concentration of power around Mrs. Adut Salva Kiir is also reflected in the expanding influence of Crawford Capital and individuals associated with it within key government institutions. While these developments have been presented by the regime as part of administrative reforms and modernization efforts, they have increasingly raised concerns about the emergence of a politically connected network exercising influence over strategic sectors of Government. International observers have similarly expressed concern about the growing penetration of Crawford Capital into state institutions and public revenue systems, warning that such developments blur the line between private business interests and public authority, while reinforcing perceptions of state capture, conflicts of interest, and the consolidation of political and economic power within a narrow circle closely linked to the presidency.
Like many others, I continue to ask what these so-called “Special Programmes” actually are. Why is President Salva Kiir reluctant to assign these responsibilities through the normal executive structures established under the presidential system of governance? The answer appears to point towards a deep crisis of confidence within South Sudan’s ruling establishment. Trust has become such a scarce commodity that Gen. Salva Kiir appears to believe it exists only within his immediate family and a small circle of loyal beneficiaries of the country’s power and wealth-sharing arrangement who support this family-centred political project.
Nearly a year after her direct entry into politics, every indication suggests that Mrs. Adut Salva Kiir is her father’s personal political project. Since her appointment, she has been rapidly positioned to implement the president’s agenda across government ministries and institutions, with the ultimate objective of elevating her to the highest office in the country. This project has been actively promoted by paid propagandists such as Omar Ishaq and others.
The current political landscape suggests that Gen. Salva Kiir, having failed to govern the country and having presided over growing poverty, internal conflict, national fragmentation, and tribalism, is now attempting to bypass the people’s desire for change by positioning his daughter, Adut Salva Kiir, as the legitimate heir to his political legacy.
Before it is too late, this family succession project is being advanced with the assistance of paid writers and influential tribal figures within the remnants of the SPLM government. They are working tirelessly to polish Mrs. Adut’s public image while ignoring the corruption allegations that continue to surround her. At the same time, they seek to portray her as possessing a miraculous solution to rescue South Sudan from the very failures associated with her father’s rule.
In short, for those seeking to understand who Mrs. Adut Salva Kiir really is, she represents the new face of her father’s legalised corruption. Crawford Capital serves as the principal financial vehicle supporting her activities under the banner of humanitarian work, while the Adut Salva Foundation presents itself as the public face of these efforts. Together, they represent what I describe as the institutionalization of legalized corruption through which Mrs. Adut Salva Kiir seeks to ascend to the highest office in the country with the backing of her father.
This is the bloodless coup to which I refer, one that Gen. Salva Kiir has been carefully implementing as part of his strategy for exiting the political stage with minimal personal loss. His greatest concern does not appear to be his failure to govern South Sudan, but rather protecting his family’s wealth, assets, and political influence after he leaves office.
In conclusion, Gen. Salva Kiir, his family, and the SPLM have failed the people of South Sudan. The only honorable course remaining is to return power to the people and abandon all efforts to impose Adut Salva Kiir as his successor. This is the only viable path forward. Through dictatorship, poor governance, widespread corruption, and the enrichment of a small political elite at the expense of an exhausted population, Gen. Salva Kiir has already issued the political death certificate of his daughter’s ambitions. The final verdict now rests with the people of South Sudan when their will ultimately prevails.
The writer, Sokiri Lo Poni, is a concerned South Sudanese. He can be reached via Sokiril8@gmail.com.
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.
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