The announcement that South Sudan’s General Election is now firmly scheduled for December 22, 2026, marks a pivotal, long-awaited moment in the young nation’s history.
After more than a decade of transitional arrangements and multiple postponements, the prospect of the first post-independence polls offers a glimmer of hope for an end to the political uncertainty that has long plagued the nation.
While legitimate concerns persist over deferred prerequisites, such as a permanent constitution and a national census, taking a necessary step forward with the electoral processes is crucial for establishing democratic accountability and legitimacy. The current transitional arrangement is beginning to fester, and a decisive change of course is urgently needed to prevent the fragile nation from going back to the dark days. The ongoing political vacuum, for example, is simply unsustainable and is leaving the country in a state of constant vulnerability.
The primary argument for holding the elections is that the process itself fosters democratic consolidation. Elections, even when imperfectly executed, serve as a foundational mechanism for a government to derive its mandate from the citizenry, rather than through a negotiated peace agreement that has arguably run its course. The 2018 Revitalized Peace Agreement was designed with specific timeframes that have long passed. Extending this transition indefinitely due to the absence of ideal conditions risks institutional inertia and political paralysis, which will further erode public trust and the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of its people and the international community. We must not let the promise of peace ring hollow; action must be taken to match the rhetoric.
The argument for proceeding with elections without a permanent constitution and a census is deeply rooted in a pragmatic understanding of state-building in a post-conflict environment. The pursuit of ‘perfect’ conditions—a fully demarcated nation, a comprehensive census, and universal consensus on a permanent constitution—can easily become a justification for a delay, allowing the current state of limbo to drag on. The political climate demands movement; we cannot afford to simply tread water while the nation languishes in uncertainty. The population, exhausted by conflict and yearning for stability and predictable governance, needs a clear path out of the transition phase; they need to see that the political process is capable of delivering tangible outcomes and breaking the cycle of violence and instability.
In addition, the manner of holding elections can act as a powerful catalyst for institutional development. The necessity of preparing for the polling day compels stakeholders to expedite essential processes like voter registration, civic education, and the operationalization of electoral management bodies. The political will generated by a fixed deadline can achieve more in the short term than years of negotiations under an open-ended timeline. The elections provide a tangible goal that requires national institutions to function and coordinate genuinely, effectively forcing the government to crank into gear. It pushes the entire bureaucratic apparatus into a readiness it has not yet truly achieved.
For instance, the need to conduct voter registration will force relevant bodies to address critical logistical challenges, such as security provisions for registration and the dissemination of information across linguistic and geographic boundaries. This operational stress test, while challenging, is essential for a nascent state apparatus, ensuring that it is not caught flat-footed when it matters most. It forces an engagement with the reality that theoretical transition planning often avoids, making the process itself a crucial learning experience.
Concerns regarding the absence of a permanent constitution and a population census are valid, but they should not become perpetual roadblocks designed to kick the can down the road indefinitely. A constitution is meant to be a living document. As such, an elected government will be entrusted with the legitimate mandate to finalize and enact this crucial law, reflecting the will of the people rather than just the transitional elite. An elected body, possessing a clear popular mandate, is arguably better positioned to make tough constitutional decisions—such as the final system of governance and federal arrangements—than a transitional government composed of various conflict parties struggling to maintain a fragile power-sharing balance.
Similarly, while a population census provides an ideal demographic baseline, interim mechanisms and data can be utilized for constituency delimitation and resource allocation for an initial electoral cycle. Waiting for a perfect census risks delaying democracy, as the logistical challenges in a country with significant displacement remain immense. International partners and technical experts can provide support in developing fair, albeit temporary, electoral boundaries based on data, prioritizing the political process over an ideal statistical foundation. We must not let the perfect be the enemy of the good. The primary goal must remain allowing the citizens to exercise their fundamental right to choose their leaders and provide the nation with a fresh, legitimate starting government.
Ultimately, democracy is not built in a day; it is a process of iteration and improvement.
The 2026 elections, even with their anticipated challenges, offer South Sudan an opportunity to break the cycle of transitional governance and turn a new leaf. By participating in this long-awaited moment, citizens can begin to hold their leaders accountable, fostering a culture rooted in the ballot box rather than conflict or negotiation.
Moving forward with elections is a pragmatic choice to safeguard the nation’s democratic aspirations and provide a legitimate path for the future. It is time for South Sudan to take this critical, albeit difficult, step toward self-governance and accountability, and seize the moment to build a better future for all its people, giving them the agency they have long been denied.
The writer is a teacher and political commentator and can be reached via amajuayani@gmail.com.
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.