Every dictator fears talk of resistance more than actual revolt. When people take up armed struggle, regimes rush to rewrite the story, portraying the fight for survival as a threat and the uprising as illegitimate, all to maintain their grip on power.
South Sudan dangles over the abyss of collapse, trapped in a relentless cycle of broken promises and failed peace agreements. Repeated accords meant to end years of civil war have consistently failed. The 2015 agreement disintegrated in July 2016, and the September 2018 revitalized peace agreement, intended to bring comprehensive reform, remains largely unimplemented. President Salva Kiir has systematically blocked progress, consolidating power while ordinary citizens endure violence, hunger, displacement, and deepening ethnic divisions. As peaceful avenues vanish and international pressure wanes, a stark reality emerges: when “no peace” exists, people feel they have “no choice.” In this climate of despair, rebellion is increasingly seen by citizens and opposition groups alike as the only path to political, economic, and social justice reforms.
When “no peace, no choice” is not a slogan but a lived reality, talk of armed options should not be reflexively equated with a cheer for violence. It must be understood as an anguished political calculus, born of a system that has closed every peaceful door. Kiir has repeatedly allowed the revitalized agreement to stall and decay, extending timelines and dodging reforms until promises of unity and constitutional protection prove meaningless for ordinary people. In this context, branding anyone who speaks of force as a traitor, terrorist, or foreign agent is shorthand for a regime that favors rhetorical condemnation over genuine reform. It is a smokescreen designed to divert attention from a government that continues to preside over mass killings, political imprisonments, displacement, sexual violence, and sustained attacks on civilians.
Kiir’s government has no moral authority to condemn foreign interference in South Sudan. The hypocrisy is stark. Kiir’s inner circles profit from shadowy logistics and cross-border arms channels—a pattern documented in investigations showing Uganda’s role in diverting weapons into the conflict. Yet the state weaponizes accusations of “foreign meddling” to crush dissent. Labeling dissenters without considering these facts is not rational judgment; it is the language of panic from those who have exhausted every legitimate defense. If we are serious about discernment, we must scrutinize claims of “incitement” with the same rigor applied to allegations of state deception: examine timelines, identify who benefits from stalled peace processes, and assess documented flows of weapons and influence—not the self-serving labels of a government clinging to power.
President Kiir’s administration has mastered the art of strategic paralysis. The 2018 agreement promised peace through power-sharing and security reform. However, Kiir’s government has systematically obstructed its implementation. Key provisions, such as unifying the armed forces and establishing a permanent constitution, have been deliberately delayed or ignored. Preferring the same authoritarian system that sparked the 2013 civil war, Kiir rules by decree and rejects any reform that limits his power. The only change he welcomes is one that preserves his dictatorship. Global pressure has failed, as sanctions and diplomacy hold little sway over a regime determined to preserve itself at all costs.
While the international community debates sanctions and peace initiatives, the people of South Sudan continue to bear the brunt of the government’s violence. In Upper Nile, Unity, and Jonglei States, clashes between government forces and armed opposition groups have displaced tens of thousands, many fleeing to Ethiopia. Civilians face deliberate attacks, starvation, sexual violence, and forced displacement—tactics widely used as weapons of war. Military campaigns, supported by the Ugandan army, have caused widespread death and uprooted tens of thousands more. These atrocities are well-documented by UN experts and human rights organizations.
Ethnic divisions, exacerbated by government policies, have fueled mistrust and violence. The failure to implement the peace agreement has created a power vacuum, allowing armed groups to multiply and trapping civilians in the crossfire. In this context, rebellion is no longer merely a political choice; it has become a desperate act of survival against systemic oppression.
South Sudan will never see lasting peace under the current government. President Kiir’s sole goal is to preserve his tyrannical grip on power, which he achieves by sowing division among opposition forces and using oil money to bribe key figures. This manipulation directly undermines every avenue of reform and survival highlighted by the repeated failure of peace agreements and systemic oppression. In July 2016, he successfully replaced Machar with Taban Deng Gai, and he now appears poised to repeat the same tactic, striking a deal with Stephen Par Kuol, who declared himself the legitimate leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army-in-Opposition (SPLM/A-IO) on April 9, 2025. Both Taban Deng and Stephen Par are the architects of what I call the ‘SPLM/A-IO Judas Institute,’ a label that captures their deep betrayal and secret dealings with Kiir. Their motives are clear: Taban Deng has nursed resentment since early 2016 over being denied the petroleum minister post by Dr. Riek Machar, while Stephen Par Kuol accepted a secret deal from the regime while imprisoned in Juba in March 2025—a deal I am not at liberty to disclose. This pattern of co-optation confirms that, in a context where the government systematically blocks reforms and perpetuates violence, rebellion is often not a choice but a necessary response to survive, achieve reform, and challenge tyranny.
In a nation where the government has abandoned its duty to protect its citizens, arming rebels is not an act of aggression—it is a moral imperative. The claim that the 2018 United Nations arms embargo prevents Salva Kiir’s government from acquiring weapons is false. Since August 2018, Kiir has relied on Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to procure weapons, ammunition, and other military equipment for South Sudan. The UN Security Council confirmed in November 2018 that Uganda purchased arms from Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and other countries and secretly transferred them to South Sudan. Uganda flagrantly continues these secret arms purchases and transfers, openly flouting the UN arms embargo.
East African countries, the African Union, and the international community must recognize that ignoring the opposition groups’ commitment to peace and reform, while allowing South Sudan and Uganda’s bloody campaigns against civilians to continue, amounts to complicity in the Juba government’s atrocities. By working against these groups, the world perpetuates cycles of violence and impunity. In South Sudan, where the government shows no interest in meaningful reform and continues to exploit its people, rebellion is not a choice—it is a matter of survival. Suppressing any support intended for those fighting for peace and justice is tantamount to condoning tyranny. The daily crimes committed by the South Sudanese and Ugandan armies demand immediate accountability and global attention.
When the world continues to turn a blind eye to the atrocities of Kiir’s government, condemning those who arm the opposition rings hollow. Inaction in the face of such brutality renders moral double standards indefensible. The international community has remained silent while Kiir and his ally, Museveni, wage a campaign of terror against civilians—an escalation that has reached new and horrifying levels since March 2025. The people of South Sudan know that women and children were burned alive by Ugandan incendiary explosives in Upper Nile State. Reports indicate that the international community is aware of this inhumane act, yet they remain silent. Such silence is not neutrality—it is complicity. It is unacceptable and morally appalling.
The writer, Duop Chak Wuol, is an analyst, critical writer, and former editor-in-chief of the South Sudan News Agency. He is a graduate of the University of Colorado and focuses on geopolitics, security, and social issues in South Sudan and the broader East African region. His work has appeared in leading regional and international outlets, including AllAfrica, Radio Tamazuj, The Independent (Uganda), The Arab Weekly, The Standard (Kenya), The Chronicle (Ghana), Addis Standard (Ethiopia), and Sudan Tribune. In August 2017, the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation highlighted his article on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s role in Ethiopia’s economic transformation. He currently focuses on emerging security dynamics, including tensions over the Nile waters and foreign involvement in conflicts in South Sudan and Sudan. He can be reached at duop282@gmail.com.
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.